The Assassination of the Public Prosecutor

Statement by the Revolutionary Socialists

The assassination of public figures typically triggers confusion, a whirlwind of propaganda and counter-propaganda, and an escalation of conspiracy theories, violence, and counter-violence. Naturally, the assassination of Egypt’s Public Prosecutor just one day before June 30 created an unprecedented state of panic and hysteria. The assassinated Public Prosecutor was a symbol of the judiciary under the military regime and the coup. Since July 2013, the coup’s legal advocate has played a pivotal role in every catastrophe—from the massacres at the Republican Guard Club, Rabaa, and Nahda to the killings of Zamalek Ultras and Shaimaa al-Sabbagh, as well as the hundreds of death sentences, tens of thousands of arrests, and the acquittals of criminals from the Ministry of Interior and various security agencies. He served as the essential link between the military regime and the judiciary in all these events. That was Hisham Barakat, the man who was assassinated.

For supporters of the military coup and the counter-revolution, however, he was a symbol of patriotism and a defender of the state against collapse—a steadfast fighter against terrorism and all those conspiring against Egypt, its state, its security, and its stability. He was even described as “The People’s Lawyer” in the headlines of both state-run and private pro-regime newspapers.

The reactions to his assassination reflected the political climate in Egypt at the beginning of the coup’s third year. Sisi himself gave a speech at the funeral of “The People’s Lawyer,” declaring that the blood of the “martyr” was in the hands of the police, the army, the judiciary, and the media. He stated that “laws shackle the hand of swift justice, but we will amend the laws to achieve justice more quickly,” emphasizing that death sentences would be enforced under the law. In other words, what is coming is an escalation of repression and killings.

As expected, a wave of hysterical propaganda swept through the media, demanding mass executions and brutal crackdowns. Mostafa Bakry called for the declaration of a state of emergency and an expansion of military trials.

Meanwhile, the Muslim Brotherhood continued to repeat its usual conspiracy theories, claiming that the regime itself had assassinated its own Public Prosecutor to justify further repression. This theory is rooted in the belief that the coup is faltering and on the verge of collapse and that it has, therefore, lost its rationality.

It is only natural for the coup leaders and their media to exploit the assassination as a justification for an even more violent wave of repression and mass killings—not only against the Brotherhood but against any opposition to the regime. This was evident in the media and political attacks on those they label as “activists” and “human rights defenders,” terms that have become synonymous with non-Islamist regime opponents. Today, any discussion of rights—whether economic, social, or, of course, political—will be regarded as support for terrorism and hostility toward the state and the people.

Hisham Barakat was one of the most significant figures of the counter-revolutionary regime, playing a key role in enabling Sisi to transform the prosecution and judiciary into mere tools in the hands of the military and police generals. He dismantled even the superficial semblance of judicial independence. The judiciary has never been independent of the interests of the state, and the ruling class, but stable regimes require a judiciary that at least appears to be neutral and independent in the eyes of the public. However, in the context of the counter-revolution, all masks are removed, and figures like Hisham Barakat and Ahmed el-Zind take charge of the judiciary, treating it as if it were simply another branch of the military or security apparatus.

These individuals deserve to be put on trial in revolutionary courts for their crimes against the Egyptian people and their revolution. However, terrorism and assassination will not rid us of the nightmare of the counter-revolution and its figures; rather, they only fuel its madness and brutality while increasing support among broad sectors of the middle class for all the repressive and barbaric measures the regime will adopt—not only against the Brotherhood but against every protester, striker, and demonstrator, and certainly against every prisoner and detainee.

In the hours following the assassination, we saw how swiftly Sisi and his media mobilized for an unprecedented escalation of repression. Hisham Barakat will be immediately replaced by someone even more ruthless, corrupt, and vicious.

But don’t we deserve justice for our martyrs and the thousands of victims of Hisham Barakat? Of course. However, assassination does not achieve justice—it only strengthens our enemies, giving them further justification for more oppression, repression, and killings.

Political assassination and individual terrorism—even when targeting those who have committed crimes against the people and the revolution—achieve nothing but more violence from the counter-revolution and greater despair among the masses who aspire to revive the revolutionary path. The assassin of a counter-revolutionary leader is essentially telling the people: We don’t need your protests, sit-ins, or strikes. Stay home—we will eliminate this tyrant or that corrupt official on our own. Instead of advancing forward, we end up retreating, making the revolutionary struggle even more difficult.

The January 25, 2011, Revolution proved that the only path to revolutionary change was through mass movements in the streets, squares, and workplaces. Our weapons are strikes, sit-ins, demonstrations, and organizing our ranks in preparation for the coming revolution. Assassinations and bombings only serve the enemies of the revolution. The day will come when everyone responsible for the counter-revolution is held accountable—everyone who killed, tortured, arrested, and raped, as well as those who legalized, justified, and financed this military dictatorship. But those trials will be conducted by the people themselves, occupying the squares and factories. There are no shortcuts to justice. Let us all struggle with patience and perseverance to reclaim our streets, our squares, and our revolution. Only then will justice be served.